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via здоровье путина - Google News on 2/16/13
Уфимский Журнал |
Выступление Путина на коллегии ФСБ
Уфимский Журнал Оценили. После выступления перед коллегией МВД Владимир Путин решил поставить задачи и перед коллегией ФСБ. Спецслужбам, как отметил президент, ..... Более подробной информации о состоянии его здоровья не поступало, передает Reuters. 15.02.2013, 18:18 — Арестованный ... |
via putinism - Google News on 2/16/13
Vladimir Putin's Approval Rating Just Hit An All-Time Low
Forbes Support from the masses has always been an important component of Putinism, and a great deal of the regime's ability to “get things done” rested on Putin's genuinely robust personal approval ratings. The steady and sustained decrease in Putin's poll ... and more » |
via Johnson's Russia List's Facebook Wall by Johnson's Russia List on 2/16/13
Aggressive Nationalism and Anti-Americanism Are the Kremlin's New Ideological Pillars
russialist.org
(Eurasia Daily Monitor: Volume 10, Issue 28 - Pavel Felgenhauer - Jamestown Foundation - jamestown.org - February 14, 2013) This week, speaking at a meeting of Russia's top security officialsthe s...
via Eurasia Daily Monitor - The Jamestown Foundation on 2/14/13
This week, speaking at a meeting of Russia’s top security officials—the so called “extended collegium” of the Federal Security Service or FSB—Alexander Bortnikov, the FSB chief, announced: “Geopolitical pressure on Russia, coming from the United States and its allies who still consider our nation one of their main rivals on the world arena, increased in 2012,” while the FSB worked to boost Russia’s standing in the world. The FSB (Federalnaya Sluzba Bezopasnosti) is the main successor organization of the Soviet KGB, and its powers have been drastically increased after Vladimir Putin came to power in 2000 (Interfax, February 14).
President Putin presented a keynote speech at the FSB “extended collegium,” denouncing as “unacceptable” any pressure on Russia and its allies, or “any direct or indirect meddling in our internal affairs.” Putin stressed that “no one receiving foreign money may speak on behalf of Russian society” and called on the FSB to strictly implement recently approved legislation “regulating the activities of nongovernmental organizations [NGOs] receiving foreign funding.” Putin called on the FSB to restrain from internal corruption and of involvement in “commercial disputes,” as well as not to hinder “investment projects.” Putin also demanded the FSB to speedily create a “joint national cyber warfare system.” The president asserted Russia’s right to “reintegrate the post-Soviet space” and rejected “foreign [Western] pressure to slow down the integration.” Putin demanded that the FSB defend the process of post-Soviet integration from hostile foreign pressure “in close cooperation with colleagues [secret services] from Belarus, Kazakhstan and other nations taking part in the integration process.” Putin announced that last month, FSB officers got a 40-percent pay increase, that 11,000 free apartments were handed out to loyal agents in 2012 and more bonuses will be in the offing (RIA Novosti, February 14). Last year nongovernmental organizations receiving foreign funding were ordered to register as “foreign agents,” and as of January 1, 2013, nongovernmental organizations that receive any support from the United States or employ any US citizens are outlawed and their assets must be confiscated (RIA Novosti, December 28, 2012).
On the same day Putin addressed the FSB “extended collegium,” First Deputy Defense Minister and Chief of General Staff, Colonel-General Valery Gerasimov, speaking at a different conference in Moscow, announced: “Russia is effectively rearming to repel the threat of foreign invasion.” According to Gerasimov, the proportion of “modern armaments” has increased from 6 to 16 percent, from 2008 to 2013, as a result of military reform. By 2015, “new weapons” will make up 30 percent of total arms, and by 2020—70 percent. Deputy Defense Minister Colonel¬-General Oleg Ostapenko has been tasked with creating a system of departments and institutions “to develop military science and promote innovative technologies.” According to Gerasimov, speedy rearmament is essential, since by 2030 “foreign military threats to Russia will increase significantly.” The Russian military command assumes, according to Gerasimov, that leading world powers may go to war to gain access to oil, gas, other natural resources, to control consumer markets and gain “living space” or Lebensraum—an important component of Nazi ideology in Germany that still seems to be an important argument in defense planning in Moscow (RIA Novosti, February 14). The General Staff (the traditional center of national strategic defense planning in Russia) apparently believes that the abundance of oil, gas, other natural resources and an extended landmass, though mostly not particularly hospitable, make Russia extremely vulnerable to the envy of the world, which by 2030 may gravitate swarms of invading foreign armies from all directions.
Last week, Putin unexpectedly attended and delivered a keynote speech at an inaugural congress of a self-styled “patriotic” organization, the “All-Russian parents’ resistance.” The chairman of the congress—firebrand revisionist demagogue Sergei Kurginyan (63)—before welcoming Putin’s address, spoke for almost an hour, denouncing the pro-democracy protest movement in Moscow and other covert US agents, the likes of which, according to him, destroyed the Soviet Union in 1991 and now are conspiring to destroy Russia. Both Putin and Kurginyan strongly supported banning Americans from adopting Russian children—a policy that became law last December (Kommersant, February 11). Putin’s appearance at the congress, seemingly hurriedly convened in downtown Moscow with logistical and organizational help from the Kremlin, clearly signals that extreme nationalistic and revisionist demagogues, who once strongly criticized Putin for being too economically liberal and pro-Western, are now considered close allies as the present regime is overtaken by a siege mentality is solidifying aggressive nationalism, post-Soviet “reintegration” and anti-Americanism as its ideological pillars. The notion that the Barack Obama administration is plotting regime change in the Kremlin or actually sees present day Russia as a serious foreign policy or ideological priority may sound awkward in Washington, but not so in Moscow.
This week, Putin introduced legislation that will forbid government officials, parliamentarians, judges, top executives and board members of state-controlled corporations, banks and foundations and their close kin from having accounts in foreign banks or own any foreign stocks or other equity, including foreign Treasuries. All foreign real estate must be declared and the origins of its purchase disclosed. Only Russian diplomats and members of their families posted abroad will be exempt. Offenders that continue to keep foreign equity, bank accounts and real estate will be cleansed from their positions by the Russian security services. Newly appointed officials will have three months to ditch any foreign possessions. Putin demands absolute loyalty from his henchmen, since the draft legislation cites any foreign possessions as a “national security risk” (Kommersant, February 13).
A leading deputy from the ruling United Russia party, chairman of the Duma ethics committee Vladimir Pekhtin, was accused by the anti-corruption campaigner and pro-democracy protest leader Alexei Navalny of owning real estate in Florida. Pekhtin denied the accusation, demanded an official investigation but, surprisingly, provisionally resigned his committee chairmanship before his name is cleared (Interfax, February 14). Senator and chairman of the Federation Council Foreign Relations Committee Mikhail Margelov was also accused of having real estate in Florida. He has denied this and has not yet resigned from his commission (ITAR-TASS, February 14). Succumbing to a siege mentality, Putin wants to “nationalize” his ruling elite to eliminate foreign (US) influences that may be used in a presumed regime-changing conspiracy. This is creating problems and panic, since corrupt Russian officials have been for decades taking money out of Russia to foreign havens.
President Putin presented a keynote speech at the FSB “extended collegium,” denouncing as “unacceptable” any pressure on Russia and its allies, or “any direct or indirect meddling in our internal affairs.” Putin stressed that “no one receiving foreign money may speak on behalf of Russian society” and called on the FSB to strictly implement recently approved legislation “regulating the activities of nongovernmental organizations [NGOs] receiving foreign funding.” Putin called on the FSB to restrain from internal corruption and of involvement in “commercial disputes,” as well as not to hinder “investment projects.” Putin also demanded the FSB to speedily create a “joint national cyber warfare system.” The president asserted Russia’s right to “reintegrate the post-Soviet space” and rejected “foreign [Western] pressure to slow down the integration.” Putin demanded that the FSB defend the process of post-Soviet integration from hostile foreign pressure “in close cooperation with colleagues [secret services] from Belarus, Kazakhstan and other nations taking part in the integration process.” Putin announced that last month, FSB officers got a 40-percent pay increase, that 11,000 free apartments were handed out to loyal agents in 2012 and more bonuses will be in the offing (RIA Novosti, February 14). Last year nongovernmental organizations receiving foreign funding were ordered to register as “foreign agents,” and as of January 1, 2013, nongovernmental organizations that receive any support from the United States or employ any US citizens are outlawed and their assets must be confiscated (RIA Novosti, December 28, 2012).
On the same day Putin addressed the FSB “extended collegium,” First Deputy Defense Minister and Chief of General Staff, Colonel-General Valery Gerasimov, speaking at a different conference in Moscow, announced: “Russia is effectively rearming to repel the threat of foreign invasion.” According to Gerasimov, the proportion of “modern armaments” has increased from 6 to 16 percent, from 2008 to 2013, as a result of military reform. By 2015, “new weapons” will make up 30 percent of total arms, and by 2020—70 percent. Deputy Defense Minister Colonel¬-General Oleg Ostapenko has been tasked with creating a system of departments and institutions “to develop military science and promote innovative technologies.” According to Gerasimov, speedy rearmament is essential, since by 2030 “foreign military threats to Russia will increase significantly.” The Russian military command assumes, according to Gerasimov, that leading world powers may go to war to gain access to oil, gas, other natural resources, to control consumer markets and gain “living space” or Lebensraum—an important component of Nazi ideology in Germany that still seems to be an important argument in defense planning in Moscow (RIA Novosti, February 14). The General Staff (the traditional center of national strategic defense planning in Russia) apparently believes that the abundance of oil, gas, other natural resources and an extended landmass, though mostly not particularly hospitable, make Russia extremely vulnerable to the envy of the world, which by 2030 may gravitate swarms of invading foreign armies from all directions.
Last week, Putin unexpectedly attended and delivered a keynote speech at an inaugural congress of a self-styled “patriotic” organization, the “All-Russian parents’ resistance.” The chairman of the congress—firebrand revisionist demagogue Sergei Kurginyan (63)—before welcoming Putin’s address, spoke for almost an hour, denouncing the pro-democracy protest movement in Moscow and other covert US agents, the likes of which, according to him, destroyed the Soviet Union in 1991 and now are conspiring to destroy Russia. Both Putin and Kurginyan strongly supported banning Americans from adopting Russian children—a policy that became law last December (Kommersant, February 11). Putin’s appearance at the congress, seemingly hurriedly convened in downtown Moscow with logistical and organizational help from the Kremlin, clearly signals that extreme nationalistic and revisionist demagogues, who once strongly criticized Putin for being too economically liberal and pro-Western, are now considered close allies as the present regime is overtaken by a siege mentality is solidifying aggressive nationalism, post-Soviet “reintegration” and anti-Americanism as its ideological pillars. The notion that the Barack Obama administration is plotting regime change in the Kremlin or actually sees present day Russia as a serious foreign policy or ideological priority may sound awkward in Washington, but not so in Moscow.
This week, Putin introduced legislation that will forbid government officials, parliamentarians, judges, top executives and board members of state-controlled corporations, banks and foundations and their close kin from having accounts in foreign banks or own any foreign stocks or other equity, including foreign Treasuries. All foreign real estate must be declared and the origins of its purchase disclosed. Only Russian diplomats and members of their families posted abroad will be exempt. Offenders that continue to keep foreign equity, bank accounts and real estate will be cleansed from their positions by the Russian security services. Newly appointed officials will have three months to ditch any foreign possessions. Putin demands absolute loyalty from his henchmen, since the draft legislation cites any foreign possessions as a “national security risk” (Kommersant, February 13).
A leading deputy from the ruling United Russia party, chairman of the Duma ethics committee Vladimir Pekhtin, was accused by the anti-corruption campaigner and pro-democracy protest leader Alexei Navalny of owning real estate in Florida. Pekhtin denied the accusation, demanded an official investigation but, surprisingly, provisionally resigned his committee chairmanship before his name is cleared (Interfax, February 14). Senator and chairman of the Federation Council Foreign Relations Committee Mikhail Margelov was also accused of having real estate in Florida. He has denied this and has not yet resigned from his commission (ITAR-TASS, February 14). Succumbing to a siege mentality, Putin wants to “nationalize” his ruling elite to eliminate foreign (US) influences that may be used in a presumed regime-changing conspiracy. This is creating problems and panic, since corrupt Russian officials have been for decades taking money out of Russia to foreign havens.
via Johnson's Russia List's Facebook Wall by Johnson's Russia List on 2/16/13
Russian Infant Mortality Up 20% in 2012 - Health Ministry
russialist.org
MOSCOW, February 14 (RIA Novosti) - The infant mortality rate in Russia was 8.7 per 1,000 newborns last year, Health Ministry department chief Yelena Baibarina said on Thursday. "I have cited data ...
via Johnson's Russia List's Facebook Wall by Johnson's Russia List on 2/16/13
Why domestic philanthropy isn't enough for Russian NGOs
russialist.org
(opendemocracy.net - Michael Allen - February 14, 2013) Michael Allen is a Special Assistant in Government Relations and Public Affairs at the National Endowment for Democracy and editor of the Dem...
via Путинизм.NET! by putinism.net on 2/15/13
15.02.2013
Падение метеорита в Челябинской области. Фото с сайта МЧС
Военные обнаружили воронку диаметром около шести метров на месте предполагаемого падения метеорита — у озера Чебаркуль, сообщает РИА «Новости» со ссылкой на представителя Центрального военного округа. По его словам, радиационный фон на месте падения в норме. Ранее МВД заявило об обнаружении сразу трех фрагментов метеорита, а губернатор Челябинской области Михаил Юревич утверждал, что метеорит упал в озеро Чебаркуль.
Между тем число пострадавших в результате взрыва метеорита и последовавшей за ним ударной волны превысило 500 человек, десятки госпитализированы. Об этом сообщает Znak.com со ссылкой на пресс-службу управления здравоохранения администрации Челябинска. Двадцать два человека из 500 пострадавших госпитализированы в пятницу после падения метеорита на Урале, сообщил начальник национального центра управления в кризисных ситуациях МЧС Владимир Степанов.
ГУ МЧС по Челябинской области предупредило аварийные службы и медицинские учреждения о второй волне падения болидов. По информации Ура.Ру, вторую серию падения болидов ждут с 12 часов 30 минут до 14 часов. Официально эти данные не подтверждаются.
Паника в челябинской школе
Взрывная волна от метеорита оставила в мороз без стекол почти 300 домов, среди которых больницы и образовательные учреждения, сообщил Владимир Степанов. «На данный момент у нас уже имеется 297 зданий, в которых было нарушено остекление, из них 16 — социально значимые объекты, это больницы и детские сады, а также 12 школ», — сообщил Степанов.
Как Znak.com, рухнула часть крыши в «Парк-Сити отеле», крыльцо пошло трещинами. Ударной волной выбило витрины магазинов, которые находятся поблизости. На здании храма Александра Невского, в котором расположен Органный зал, покосились маковки с крестами. Также в результате метеоритного дождя обвалилась крыша Цинкового завода. В городе замечено большое количество автомобилей «скорой помощи», на дорогах — огромные пробки.
Ранее сообщалось о вспышке в небе, которую наблюдали жители Челябинской и Свердловской области, Кустанайской области на севере Казахстана. Первоначально некоторые приняли это за взрыв самолета в воздухе. Сообщалось, что в Челябинске и окрестных городах выбиты стекла, проводится эвакуация детей из школ. Наблюдались перебои в работе сотовой связи.
В правоохранительные органы поступают сообщения от жителей, которые «жалуются на падение горящих объектов с неба». «Местные жители также обратили внимание на падение горящих объектов. Некоторые приняли их за воздушные суда. Однако ни одно воздушное судно не потерпело аварии на Урале, все летят по расписанию и в штатном режиме. Между тем, у жителей некоторых населенных Челябинской области, по предварительным данным, из-за падения осколков метеорита выбиты стекла жилых домов», — сообщил источник Интерфакса.
Астероид 2012 DA14 размером с 15-этажный дом в пятницу вечером пролетит совсем рядом с Землей, ниже орбит геостационарных спутников — угрозы столкновения нет, но это самое тесное сближение такого крупного астероида с нашей планетой в истории наблюдений.
Между тем число пострадавших в результате взрыва метеорита и последовавшей за ним ударной волны превысило 500 человек, десятки госпитализированы. Об этом сообщает Znak.com со ссылкой на пресс-службу управления здравоохранения администрации Челябинска. Двадцать два человека из 500 пострадавших госпитализированы в пятницу после падения метеорита на Урале, сообщил начальник национального центра управления в кризисных ситуациях МЧС Владимир Степанов.
ГУ МЧС по Челябинской области предупредило аварийные службы и медицинские учреждения о второй волне падения болидов. По информации Ура.Ру, вторую серию падения болидов ждут с 12 часов 30 минут до 14 часов. Официально эти данные не подтверждаются.
Паника в челябинской школе
Взрывная волна от метеорита оставила в мороз без стекол почти 300 домов, среди которых больницы и образовательные учреждения, сообщил Владимир Степанов. «На данный момент у нас уже имеется 297 зданий, в которых было нарушено остекление, из них 16 — социально значимые объекты, это больницы и детские сады, а также 12 школ», — сообщил Степанов.
Как Znak.com, рухнула часть крыши в «Парк-Сити отеле», крыльцо пошло трещинами. Ударной волной выбило витрины магазинов, которые находятся поблизости. На здании храма Александра Невского, в котором расположен Органный зал, покосились маковки с крестами. Также в результате метеоритного дождя обвалилась крыша Цинкового завода. В городе замечено большое количество автомобилей «скорой помощи», на дорогах — огромные пробки.
Ранее сообщалось о вспышке в небе, которую наблюдали жители Челябинской и Свердловской области, Кустанайской области на севере Казахстана. Первоначально некоторые приняли это за взрыв самолета в воздухе. Сообщалось, что в Челябинске и окрестных городах выбиты стекла, проводится эвакуация детей из школ. Наблюдались перебои в работе сотовой связи.
В правоохранительные органы поступают сообщения от жителей, которые «жалуются на падение горящих объектов с неба». «Местные жители также обратили внимание на падение горящих объектов. Некоторые приняли их за воздушные суда. Однако ни одно воздушное судно не потерпело аварии на Урале, все летят по расписанию и в штатном режиме. Между тем, у жителей некоторых населенных Челябинской области, по предварительным данным, из-за падения осколков метеорита выбиты стекла жилых домов», — сообщил источник Интерфакса.
Астероид 2012 DA14 размером с 15-этажный дом в пятницу вечером пролетит совсем рядом с Землей, ниже орбит геостационарных спутников — угрозы столкновения нет, но это самое тесное сближение такого крупного астероида с нашей планетой в истории наблюдений.
via putinism - Google Blog Search by JRL Russia List on 2/7/13
(RFE/RL – www.rferl.org – Brian Whitmore – February 5, 2013). Somebody is out to get Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. Or somebody is setting up Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin. Or both. Or neither. But regardless ...
via putinism - Google News on 2/16/13
Vladimir Putin's Approval Rating Just Hit An All-Time Low
Forbes Support from the masses has always been an important component of Putinism, and a great deal of the regime's ability to “get things done” rested on Putin's genuinely robust personal approval ratings. The steady and sustained decrease in Putin's poll ... and more » |
via здоровье путина - Google News on 2/16/13
Уфимский Журнал |
Выступление Путина на коллегии ФСБ
Уфимский Журнал Оценили. После выступления перед коллегией МВД Владимир Путин решил поставить задачи и перед коллегией ФСБ. Спецслужбам, как отметил президент, ..... Более подробной информации о состоянии его здоровья не поступало, передает Reuters. 15.02.2013, 18:18 — Арестованный ... |
via лицо путина - Google News on 2/15/13
Московский комсомолец |
Андрея Крайнего наказывают за непослушание Путину?
Московский комсомолец Смысл увольнения задним числом, как объяснил Маркин, был в том, чтобы помочь Муравьеву избежать наказания за получение взятки как должностного лица. То есть, его могли бы только наказать за мошенничество. За что срок меньше. Сейчас уголовное дело Муравьева передано в ... Нашли КрайнегоFLB.ru all 131 news articles » |
via putin's face - Google News on 2/15/13
New York Times |
The Myth of the Rich Who Flee From Taxes
New York Times Last month, Vladimir V. Putin hugged his newly minted fellow Russian citizen, the actor Gerard Depardieu, posing for cameras at the Black Sea port of Sochi. ... That, at least, is what low-tax advocates want us to think, and on its face, it seems to ... and more » |
via putin's face - Google News on 2/15/13
The West Australian |
Russia exchange earns disappointing $4.2 bn value
The West Australian The valuation was a blow President Vladimir Putin's efforts to transform Moscow into a global financial centre and underscores analyst mistrust of a bourse now mired by low volumes and regular trading in just a few big stocks. The exchange -- formed in ... |
via лицо путина - Google News on 2/15/13
Интерфакс |
Власть и адъ: президент РФ Владимир Путин ставит задачу максимально решительно нейтрализовывать экстремистские структуры
ДВ-РОСС Граждане с интересом ожидают новых скандалов, которые могут растянуться до Олимпиады, и далее до выборов 18-го года — а это уже угроза личной власти и личным планам первого лица. В такой ситуации у Путина только один выход — заткнуть Навального любым способом. КТО ГОВОРИТ ОТ ЛИЦА ВСЕГО РОССИЙСКОГО ОБЩЕСТВА?ХайВей Путин поговорил с ФСБИнтерфакс Владимир Путин потребовал от ФСБ блокировать попытки экстремистов и радикалов использовать интернет для пропагандыГазета.Ru Московский комсомолец -Вести.Ru all 158 news articles » |
via putin's face - Google News on 2/15/13
National Geographic |
Meteorite Spurs Very Russian Reaction: Political Jokes
National Geographic The meteorite, suggested blogger Maksim Kats, would serve as a good excuse "to cancel [newly promised gubernatorial] elections and extend the president's term [from six] to ten years," echoing Putin's reaction to the Beslan terrorist school seizure ... and more » |
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Already fragile and underdeveloped as a consequence of the repressive Soviet legacy, Russian civil society is facing an intimidating array of legal and financial challenges. With the active cooperation of the State Duma, the Putin administration has employed several legislative measures to undermine the country’s civil society organisations. These include the Dima Yakovlev Law, which bans US-funding for non-governmental organizations (NGOs) carrying out activities vaguely-defined as ‘political’ or deemed to be ‘posing a threat to the Russian Federation’; amendments to the criminal code expanding the definition of ‘treason’ to include such innocuous activities as public opinion polling, legal aid, and human rights monitoring; and the Law on NGOs, known colloquially as the ‘Foreign Agent’ law, which requires civil society groups receiving foreign funds while engaged in ‘political activities’ to register as ‘foreign agents’ and submit to onerous reporting requirements.
The response to these challenges has varied, with most NGOs adopting a ‘wait and see’ attitude, citing specific wording in the Yakovlev Law as evidence of the government’s plans to target only a select few national-level groups (specifically the clauses that limits the ability of dual US-Russian citizens to hold leadership positions in noncommercial organisations). Well-established NGOs are pursuing more proactive measures, including taking domestic and international legal action against the government. In early February, eleven leading NGOs lodged a formal complaint with the European Court of Human Rights, asserting that the ‘Foreign Agent’ Law violates Articles 10 and 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which protect freedom of association and expression. Recent statements by Justice Minister Aleksandr Konavolov indicate that the authorities are still negotiating enforcement mechanisms for these overlapping laws.
Legislative restrictions on NGOs are only one indicator of disturbing authoritarian trends since Putin assumed his third presidential term. Pending legislation limiting freedom of expression on the internet, freedom of assembly and speech for sexual minorities, and the return of Soviet-era residency registration requirements, point to an even more dramatic shift away from international norms and a pronounced democratic regression.
Against this backdrop of growing authoritarianism, the funding environment for civil society organisations, which was never healthy, has deteriorated rapidly. The Kremlin’s expulsion of USAID last September left a large number of civil society organisations with constricted budgets, necessitating programmatic and staff cuts to remain active. Meanwhile, USAID’s exit has had a chilling effect on the international donor community, with many US and European donors revisiting funding strategies in the hope of avoiding a similar fate.
The donor community obviously needs to adjust to new challenges by exploring new funding models and showing greater flexibility in managing grantee finances. In particular, donors should reconsider the traditional ‘call for proposals’ model of grant-making, which not only lends credence to government claims of undue donor influence on NGO activities, but may also lead to mission creep. The alternative, a demand-driven model of grant-making, incentivises highly-adaptable, grassroots projects that avoid many of these programmatic and financial issues.
This is the model that informs National Endowment for Democracy’s approach in supporting Russian civil society projects. From regional human rights initiatives to national-level transparency programs, our work homes in on popular local issues or pursuing the protection of fundamental freedoms and norms that may have yet to gain traction in the wider society. For example, many international donors are largely unaware of or uninterested in the vagaries - and the potential - of political and economic developments in Russia’s regions. We have identified a great number of of local initiatives that may require years of stable support to generate tangible results.
The fates of Mikhail Khodokovsky and, more recently Alexander Lebedev, owner of Novaya Gazeta and a Navalny donor who is due to stand trial for hooliganism, provide clear examples of political persecution arising from private initiatives to assist civil society. Let us not forget too the deterrent effect of such cases, which is both less evident and impossible to quantify. In the context of authoritarian rule, it is surely unrealistic to expect independent NGOs addressing politically contentious issues to attract widespread membership-based funding.
Of course, genuine donor pluralism would be hugely beneficial to Russian civil society: if only the country’s beleaguered non-governmental groups were able to draw on a diverse range of funding sources, from individual members and indigenous philanthropic foundations to corporate and even government funding, international funders would not need to compensate for the domestic donor deficit. But the Putin regime is manifestly hostile to pluralism of any stripe, as demonstrated by the authorities’ current efforts to stifle the donor community, using the same tactics of legal and extra-judicial harassment that they have applied to the rest of society to restrict alternative or critical voices. The government wants to limit resources for groups and initiatives that are known to test the official line. The most sensible response to this overt effort to choke off resources for dedicated individuals and groups working against the odds in Russia to bring greater justice and accountability is not to acquiesce but rather to let a thousand flowers bloom and to enable open and transparent funding from domestic and international sources alike.
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In January the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) held an informal meeting to discuss the latest changes to Russian NGO law. At the meeting a representative of the Russian Ministry of Economic Development stated that according to Ministry figures, the country’s voluntary sector would lose 13 billion roubles in 2013 as a result of the ‘Foreign Agents’ law- the amount NGOs would have received from foreign and international funders who have decided, or been forced, to wind up their operations in Russia.
This is the main reason why Moscow has been frantically winding up the activities of international NGOs, including WHO, UNESCO, the UN Development Programme, organisations fighting AIDS, TB and malaria and many others. Even as it expelled USAIDin September 2012, the Russian Foreign Ministry explained that this was not just a question of the agency’s meddling in Russian politics, but that, ‘Russia is now one of the world’s “new donors” and rejects the status of a recipient of foreign aid.’ I have heard similar things from government officials from several European countries that have also been forced to discontinue their funding of programmes in Russia.
Government funding for Russian NGOs began in 2006. The selection process was organised initially through the RF’s Public Chamber, and more recently through a number of grant giving bodies. The sum initially allocated was 500m roubles (£10m) a year, which has since been regularly increased and in 2013 stands at around 3.5bn roubles (£70m) (a poor replacement for the 19bn roubles it would have been receiving from international sources). The main problem with this funding is that its allocation is inefficient and lacks transparency. I have heard dozens of stories about provincial officials hastily registering new NGOs just before a funding round and promising them a grant in return for a kickback of up to 70% of the sum. In fact very few applications are received. Valery Fadeyev, editor in chief of the pro-Kremlin business weekly ‘Expert’ and chair of one of the grant-giving bodies, toldVladislav Surkov, the then deputy head of the presidential administration, that‘most of the applications we receive are crap’.
AGORA made applications for government funding, but after being turned down each time we gave up.The Moscow Helsinki Group and the ‘For Human Rights’ movement have had several government grants, but no one will convince me that this was not done for purely PR reasonsIn 2006, 2007 and 2008 the Russian human rights watchdog AGORA, which I head, and several of our regional partners – prominent civil rights organisations in their local areas –made applications for government funding, but after being turned down each time we gave up. The Moscow Helsinki Group and the ‘For Human Rights’ movement have had several government grants, but no one will convince me that this was not done for purely PR reasons: ‘Look, we even give grants to people who criticise us, so it’s all above board!’
In state owned corporations the writing off of profits ‘to charity’ is a traditional dodgy practice. In 2008 the ‘Vedomosti’ business paper published an article entitled‘Uncontrolled Billions’, in which it stated that Transneft, the company which transports more than 90% of Russian oil, had donated over 7 billion roubles, about 10% of its annual profit, to charity. Aleksey Navalny, the lawyer and opposition politician, decidedto look into this more closely, and wrote to all of Russia’s largest charitable foundations and other NGOs to ask whether they had been the beneficiaries of this largesse. Not one of them had had a penny. Transneft itself did not reply to Navalny’s query.
NGOs’ commercial activity is on the same minimal level. I don’t know of any organisation that could exist and develop civil projects on its commercial revenue. At best, it can earn a small income by renting out its own premises, as has happened in Kazan, where the Civil Rights centre received a grant from the MacArthur Foundation in 2008 and used it to buy a small house in the city. Or take our AGORA Association, which in 2007 set up a small online news agency (http://openinform.ru/ ) which, with advertising, brings in less than $10,000 a year. This at best covers the organisation’s core costs. To make the project actually profitable would require a lot of investment; we would have to change the site format and lose our own information platform, and concentrate our resources on commercial activity.
This public support for voluntary initiative is undoubtedly a really important development and a sign of a healthy, maturing society. It needs to encouraged and developed in every way to create a tradition of transparent accountability, self-regulation and self control, with the outlawing of crooks and an increase in efficiency. The only problem is that there is not a single NGO team that can survive exclusively on donations from the public. Sergey Vlasov of Rosuznik has a paid job as well. Aleksey Navalny pays his project staff out of donations, but both he and Vladimir Ashurkov, who heads the Foundation for Fighting Corruption, have other sources of income that allow them to carry out their political activism pro bono.
AGORA had its first large donation in the summer of 2011, when the ‘Voina’radical street art collective (which formerly included members of Pussy Riot) gave us the €10,000 ‘Innovation Prize’ money they received from Moscow’s National Centre for Contemporary Arts for its project ‘A Dick captured by the FSB’, (a painting of a giant penis ‘erected’ on St Petersburg’s Liteyny Bridge and revealed as the bridge opened to allow river traffic along the Neva). The money is still lying, almost untouched, in our bank account, being saved for a rainy day. Unlike restricted funds, which need to be spent within a specific time on a specific project, this money is unrestricted and can be spent whenever, and on whatever, we need. There are also a number of people who put money into our account on a regular or irregular basis, and over the last couple of years we have received altogether about $20,000 in private donations.
Just a few days ago the Federal Financial Monitoring Service blocked an initiative by the Ministry for Economic Development to allow Russians to make donations to charitable organisations or pay subscriptions to socially orientated NGOs through ATMs, on the grounds that NGOs might use the money to finance terrorism (sic!).
In other words, the present system of application/selection/grant/report, as long as it concerns a respectable, known institution with a solid reputation, remains the optimal arrangement for established Russian NGOs, both in legal and organisational terms. Its only (well-publicised) disadvantage is that if the institution in question is a foreign or international one, the NGO’s image may be tarnished among that section of the public that is influenced by stereotypes. But that’s no big deal, if it allows us to get on with our work.
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Mike Nova's starred items
via лицо путина - Google News on 2/16/13
Обама может предотвратить еще одну холодную войну
RT.KORR Осведомленные обозреватели могут высказать справедливое несогласие с политикой Путина внутри страны и за рубежом, однако беспристрастные студенты российско-американских отношений вряд ли могут проигнорировать эти четыре проблемы России. Пока эти компоненты американской ... Американцы ... and more » |
via лицо путина - Google News on 2/16/13
inoСМИ.Ru |
Большой театр: тухлое яйцо Фаберже
inoСМИ.Ru Балетмейстера облили кислотой, танцовщицы, опасаясь за свою жизнь, бегут за границу, директор пугает Путиным, а гангстеры зарабатывают за кулисами огромные деньги. Это будни российского храма культуры — Большого театра. Сергей Филин видит мир как сквозь пелену, у него повреждены ... Мужчина ... and more » |
via лицо путина - Google News on 2/16/13
Деловой Петербург |
Не снилось никакому Шарикову
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via лицо путина - Google News on 2/17/13
Русская недвижимость |
Agusta Путину, дороги – москвичам
Русская недвижимость Часто место проведения мероприятия не оборудовано вертолетной площадкой, а значит, расстояние от ближайшей площадки первое лицо все равно будет преодолевать с кортежем. Отсюда возможны анекдотические ситуации, вроде той о которой рассказал Кожин в октябре ... Первые лица будут передвигаться на итальянских вертолетахМосковский комсомолец Путин и Медведев пересядут на итальянские вертолетыНовые Известия Больше никакого жлобства: официальным транспортом первых лиц станет вертолетАргументы и факты all 18 news articles » |
via Putin personality cult - Google News on 2/3/13
The Moscow Times |
Battle of Stalingrad
Washington Post Russian President Vladimir Putin, second from right, lays a wreath at the eternal flame. Feb. 2, 2013 ... The city was renamed Volgograd in 1961, as part of the Khrushchev era's drive to erase the personality cult of Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin. But ... Russia marks the Battle of Stalingrad's 70th anniversaryDeutsche Welle Russians united for StalingradThe Australian Return to Stalingrad: Nostalgia for Uncle Joe alive and well in VolgogradThe Independent Telegraph.co.uk -ABC News all 100 news articles » |
via Putin personality cult - Google News on 2/2/13
Russia marks 70th anniversary of Stalingrad battle
The Associated Press President Vladimir Putin came to the city later Saturday to take part in the commemorations, including a visit to the famous hilltop memorial complex surmounted by a towering 87-meter (280-foot) statue of a sword-wielding woman representing the ... |
via Путин культ личности - Google News on 2/3/13
Принцип русской власти
БИЗНЕС Online. Татарстан Надзаконность. Она же: неконституционность и культ личности. Своим истоком надзаконность имеет чингизидскую (ордынскую) специфику, состоящую в том, что вождь выдвигается сам, своими личными качествами компенсирует отсутствие организации, и тянет за собой свой род ... |
via Путин культ личности - Google News on 2/4/13
Культ личности Сталина на руку Путину
Inopressa Там, где раньше была реклама компьютерных игрушек и средств гигиены, теперь красуется усатый мужчина с суровым взором и красной звездой на фуражке, пишет обозреватель Die Zeit Йоханнес Фосвинкель. Его имя - Иосиф Сталин, он вернулся и разъезжает по улицам российских ... and more » |
via Putin personality cult - Google News on 2/3/13
The Moscow Times |
Russians united for Stalingrad
The Australian President Vladimir Putin came to the city yesterday to take part in the commemorations, which included a visit to the hilltop memorial complex surmounted by a towering 87m statue of a sword-wielding woman representing the Motherland. "Stalingrad will ... Battle of StalingradWashington Post Russia marks the Battle of Stalingrad's 70th anniversaryDeutsche Welle Stalingrad Victory CommemoratedThe Moscow Times The Guardian -RT -Telegraph.co.uk all 100 news articles » |
Mike Nova's starred items
via Путин культ личности - Google News on 2/4/13
ЛІГА.net |
Культ личности Сталина на руку Путину, - Die Zeit
ЛІГА.net С одной стороны, рассуждает автор, победа в Великой Отечественной войне имеет в политическом плане огромное значение для Кремля, она служит неким "межевым камнем" для современной России - именно отсылка к советским временам дает право власти Путина "идти на любые ... and more » |
via Putin personality cult - Google News on 1/31/13
Russian city to temporarily call itself Stalingrad in commemoration of WWII battle
Fox News The city was renamed Volgograd in 1961 as part of the Soviet Union's rejection of dictator Joseph Stalin's personality cult. But the name ... Kremlin critics have seen attempts to whitewash Stalin's image as part of Putin's rollback on democracy. In ... |
via Путин культ личности - Google News on 2/6/13
Русская Служба Новостей |
Советники Путина призвали навсегда забыть о переименовании Сталинграда
Ридус «Возрождение этого имени, которое в определенном смысле является символом, означает, что мы перестаем критически оценивать и тем более отвергать идеологию террора, идеологию культа личности, идеологию репрессий», — поддержала ее член СПЧ Тамара Морщакова. Их ... Волгоград VS Сталинград. Почему политики решили вернуть городу на Волге старое название?Российский Туризм all 177 news articles » |
via Putin personality cult - Google News on 2/2/13
Russia marks 70th anniversary of Stalingrad battle
StarNewsOnline.com President Vladimir Putin came to the city later Saturday to take part in the commemorations, including a visit to the famous hilltop memorial complex surmounted by a towering 87-meter (280-foot) statue of a sword-wielding woman representing the ... |
via Putin personality cult - Google News on 2/7/13
RT |
No Stalingrad on Russian map - official
RT Kremlin officials have never considered renaming the city of Volgograd as Stalingrad and do not plan to put this issue on the agenda in the future, President Putin's press secretary has said. The statement, made by Dmitry Peskov in an interview with ... and more » |
via Putin personality cult - Google News on 1/31/13
Charlotte Observer |
City renames itself Stalingrad to mark battle
Charlotte Observer The city was renamed Volgograd in 1961 as part of the Soviet Union's rejection of dictator Joseph Stalin's personality cult. But the name ... Kremlin critics have seen attempts to whitewash Stalin's image as part of Putin's rollback on democracy. In ... |
via Путин культ личности - Google News on 2/11/13
Московский комсомолец |
Сталин воскрес! Воистину воскрес?
Московский комсомолец На любые происшествия в стране власть откликается сообщениями: «Путин сказал», «Путин призвал», «Путин пообещал». А государственные дела решаются президентскими ... А культ личности сменился культом сомнительных личностей. Смешно сравнивать путинское настоящее с ... |
via Putin personality cult - Google News on 2/14/13
The Moscow Times |
Back to Stalin's Soviet Union
The Moscow Times Yet it is doubtful that Putin would agree in any case. After all, why would Putin want to revive Stalin's personality cult when the current national leader is still alive? Nonetheless, it seems as if Russia's fixation with Stalin will last for a long ... and more » |
via Путин культ личности - Google News on 2/17/13
Московский комсомолец |
Почем лидеры для народа?
Московский комсомолец Но в то же время это режим, требующий от общества больше всего усилий, больше вклада от каждой личности. Достичь результатов Ататюрка можно и не за два десятка лет, но для этого в первую очередь нужно создавать не культ лидера, а эффективно работающие государственные ... |
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via A List's Facebook Wall by A List on 2/17/13
RUSSIA and THE WEST - РОССИЯ и ЗАПАД: Tempra, o Diva: Anti-Americanism in Putin Doctrine...
RUSSIA and THE WEST - РОССИЯ и ЗАПАД: Tempra, o Diva: Anti-Americanism in Putin Doctrine...: Updated: 2/17/2013 - First Published: 2/10/2013 The past is not …
RUSSIA and THE WEST - РОССИЯ и ЗАПАД: Tempra, o Diva: Anti-Americanism in Putin Doctrine...
RUSSIA and THE WEST - РОССИЯ и ЗАПАД: Tempra, o Diva: Anti-Americanism in Putin Doctrine...: Updated: 2/17/2013 - First Published: 2/10/2013 The past is not …
RUSSIA and THE WEST - РОССИЯ и ЗАПАД: Tempra, o Diva: Anti-Americanism in Putin Doctrine...
via Mike Nova by Mike Nova on 2/17/13
RUSSIA and THE WEST - РОССИЯ и ЗАПАД: Tempra, o Diva: Anti-Americanism in Putin Doctrine...: Updated: 2/17/2013 - First Published: 2/10/2013 The past is not dead, it is not even the past ( http://nnm.ru/search?q=%D...
via oD Russia by Michael Allen on 2/14/13
Writing on oDRussia yesterday, Almut Rochowanski argued that Kremlin’s repression of NGOs could work in their favour by encouraging domestic giving. Her mistake was assuming Russian NGOs are able and free to replicate Western membership-based fundraising models, which they are not, says Michael Allen.
The response to these challenges has varied, with most NGOs adopting a ‘wait and see’ attitude, citing specific wording in the Yakovlev Law as evidence of the government’s plans to target only a select few national-level groups (specifically the clauses that limits the ability of dual US-Russian citizens to hold leadership positions in noncommercial organisations). Well-established NGOs are pursuing more proactive measures, including taking domestic and international legal action against the government. In early February, eleven leading NGOs lodged a formal complaint with the European Court of Human Rights, asserting that the ‘Foreign Agent’ Law violates Articles 10 and 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which protect freedom of association and expression. Recent statements by Justice Minister Aleksandr Konavolov indicate that the authorities are still negotiating enforcement mechanisms for these overlapping laws.
Legislative restrictions on NGOs are only one indicator of disturbing authoritarian trends since Putin assumed his third presidential term. Pending legislation limiting freedom of expression on the internet, freedom of assembly and speech for sexual minorities, and the return of Soviet-era residency registration requirements, point to an even more dramatic shift away from international norms and a pronounced democratic regression.
Against this backdrop of growing authoritarianism, the funding environment for civil society organisations, which was never healthy, has deteriorated rapidly. The Kremlin’s expulsion of USAID last September left a large number of civil society organisations with constricted budgets, necessitating programmatic and staff cuts to remain active. Meanwhile, USAID’s exit has had a chilling effect on the international donor community, with many US and European donors revisiting funding strategies in the hope of avoiding a similar fate.
‘USAID’s exit has had a chilling effect on the international donor community, with many US and European donors revisiting funding strategies in the hope of avoiding a similar fate.’Unsure of the long-term future of international donor support, a small number of civil society organisations have turned to crowdsourcing for supplemental funding. Aleksey Navalny’s anti-corruption Rospil project, which raised millions of dollars from ordinary Russians while explicitly rejecting any foreign support, is the most famous example of success. But it is also worth pointing out that Navalny’s group benefitted from effective PR and a popular mission. Traditional human rights groups are hamstrung by limited public knowledge of their activities, limited access to media, expensive or inaccessible online systems for collecting funds, significant pressure from the government, and a lack of the resources necessary to carry out long-term crowdsourcing campaigns. So while some civil society groups and enterprises such as Dozhd TV, have made significant inroads towards developing domestic funding mechanisms, for the majority of civil society, especially small NGOs in the regions, reliable and long-term crowdsourced support remains a distant prospect rather than a realistic option.
The donor community obviously needs to adjust to new challenges by exploring new funding models and showing greater flexibility in managing grantee finances. In particular, donors should reconsider the traditional ‘call for proposals’ model of grant-making, which not only lends credence to government claims of undue donor influence on NGO activities, but may also lead to mission creep. The alternative, a demand-driven model of grant-making, incentivises highly-adaptable, grassroots projects that avoid many of these programmatic and financial issues.
This is the model that informs National Endowment for Democracy’s approach in supporting Russian civil society projects. From regional human rights initiatives to national-level transparency programs, our work homes in on popular local issues or pursuing the protection of fundamental freedoms and norms that may have yet to gain traction in the wider society. For example, many international donors are largely unaware of or uninterested in the vagaries - and the potential - of political and economic developments in Russia’s regions. We have identified a great number of of local initiatives that may require years of stable support to generate tangible results.
‘To suggest that Russian NGOs should simply develop membership-based fundraising models along the lines of their well-established Western counterparts appears either naïve or disingenuous.’The donor community has played an instrumental role in helping Russian civil society to weather previous attempts to curtail their activities. It must stand by its partners as they explore new strategies to maintain their work. However, to suggest that Russian NGOs should simply develop membership-based fundraising models along the lines of their well-established Western counterparts appears either naïve or disingenuous. Western NGOs like Amnesty International, for instance, are not harassed or circumscribed, but widely respected as legitimate pressure groups, even when their pronouncements or activities are critical of Western governments. NGOs operate in the context of considerable political pluralism, tolerance and diversity, enjoying unimpeded access to media and freedom to raise funds from a variety of sources - from individual members to philanthropic or corporate foundations.
The fates of Mikhail Khodokovsky and, more recently Alexander Lebedev, owner of Novaya Gazeta and a Navalny donor who is due to stand trial for hooliganism, provide clear examples of political persecution arising from private initiatives to assist civil society. Let us not forget too the deterrent effect of such cases, which is both less evident and impossible to quantify. In the context of authoritarian rule, it is surely unrealistic to expect independent NGOs addressing politically contentious issues to attract widespread membership-based funding.
‘Genuine donor pluralism would be hugely beneficial to Russian civil society: if only the country’s beleaguered non-governmental groups were able to draw on a diverse range of funding sources’It is no accident – as the Marxists used to say – that the Kremlin’s offensive against civil society followed the most extensive, sustained and dramatic protest movement in post-Soviet Russia. Authoritarian regimes in general look to harass activists, impose restrictions, and seek to de-legitimise indigenous actors as foreign agents when they want to stop activists from engaging with the wider public (an engagement which, by the way, might generate much membership-based funding). It is precisely in such states, where providing support for civil society is a potentially hazardous political act, that international donors can step in to address the domestic donor deficit.
Of course, genuine donor pluralism would be hugely beneficial to Russian civil society: if only the country’s beleaguered non-governmental groups were able to draw on a diverse range of funding sources, from individual members and indigenous philanthropic foundations to corporate and even government funding, international funders would not need to compensate for the domestic donor deficit. But the Putin regime is manifestly hostile to pluralism of any stripe, as demonstrated by the authorities’ current efforts to stifle the donor community, using the same tactics of legal and extra-judicial harassment that they have applied to the rest of society to restrict alternative or critical voices. The government wants to limit resources for groups and initiatives that are known to test the official line. The most sensible response to this overt effort to choke off resources for dedicated individuals and groups working against the odds in Russia to bring greater justice and accountability is not to acquiesce but rather to let a thousand flowers bloom and to enable open and transparent funding from domestic and international sources alike.
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via oD Russia by Pavel Chikov on 2/15/13
Continuing oDRussia's debate on the future for Russian NGO funding, now a view from the coal face. Pavel Chikov is chair of one of the country's most respected NGOs: he argues that foundation grants remain the simplest way to let human rights activists get on with their work.
'Membership of the OECD is important to Russia, not only to enhance its economy and international relations but to boost its general credibility as a global player. But one of the conditions for entry is that the candidate country can’t be in receipt of any foreign aid.'Over the last few years the Russian government has been systematically squeezing out international organisations, citing in justification its wish to join the OECD. Russia first applied for OECD membership in 1996, but was turned down. In 2007 the OECD set up meetings with the BRIC countries, Indonesia and South Africa to discuss their possible entry. Membership of the organisation is important to Russia for many reasons, not only to enhance its economy and international relations but to boost its general AA as a global player. But one of the conditions for entry is that the candidate country can’t be in receipt of any foreign aid.
This is the main reason why Moscow has been frantically winding up the activities of international NGOs, including WHO, UNESCO, the UN Development Programme, organisations fighting AIDS, TB and malaria and many others. Even as it expelled USAIDin September 2012, the Russian Foreign Ministry explained that this was not just a question of the agency’s meddling in Russian politics, but that, ‘Russia is now one of the world’s “new donors” and rejects the status of a recipient of foreign aid.’ I have heard similar things from government officials from several European countries that have also been forced to discontinue their funding of programmes in Russia.
How does Russia’s voluntary sector fund itself?
As a result, the financial state of Russia’s voluntary sector has worsened over the past few years, as it has been impossible to make up this drop in income with funding from other sources. NGOs’ main sources of income within Russia are government grants, crowd funding, support from business and their own commercial activities.Government funding for Russian NGOs began in 2006. The selection process was organised initially through the RF’s Public Chamber, and more recently through a number of grant giving bodies. The sum initially allocated was 500m roubles (£10m) a year, which has since been regularly increased and in 2013 stands at around 3.5bn roubles (£70m) (a poor replacement for the 19bn roubles it would have been receiving from international sources). The main problem with this funding is that its allocation is inefficient and lacks transparency. I have heard dozens of stories about provincial officials hastily registering new NGOs just before a funding round and promising them a grant in return for a kickback of up to 70% of the sum. In fact very few applications are received. Valery Fadeyev, editor in chief of the pro-Kremlin business weekly ‘Expert’ and chair of one of the grant-giving bodies, toldVladislav Surkov, the then deputy head of the presidential administration, that‘most of the applications we receive are crap’.
AGORA made applications for government funding, but after being turned down each time we gave up.The Moscow Helsinki Group and the ‘For Human Rights’ movement have had several government grants, but no one will convince me that this was not done for purely PR reasonsIn 2006, 2007 and 2008 the Russian human rights watchdog AGORA, which I head, and several of our regional partners – prominent civil rights organisations in their local areas –made applications for government funding, but after being turned down each time we gave up. The Moscow Helsinki Group and the ‘For Human Rights’ movement have had several government grants, but no one will convince me that this was not done for purely PR reasons: ‘Look, we even give grants to people who criticise us, so it’s all above board!’
Does business come up with the goods?
NGOs rarely receive any funding from business. When they do, it comes from trusts set up by major commercial organisations, such as the Mikhail Prokhorov Foundation or the Vladimir Potanin Charity Foundation. Anatoly Chubais and other prominent businessmen have also given grants to the voluntary sector, but their chosen recipients are usually engaged in ‘vanilla’ – socially orientated and very conformist – activities. Large scale educational and civil rights projects would inevitably run into conflict around government policy issues, given the regime’s insistence in maintaining its monopoly in this area. And the fate of Mikhail Khodorkovsky’s Open Russiafoundation, forced to close down in 2006 (I was one of those made redundant by its closure), is still fresh in the minds of both big business and the main players in Russia’s voluntary sector.In state owned corporations the writing off of profits ‘to charity’ is a traditional dodgy practice. In 2008 the ‘Vedomosti’ business paper published an article entitled‘Uncontrolled Billions’, in which it stated that Transneft, the company which transports more than 90% of Russian oil, had donated over 7 billion roubles, about 10% of its annual profit, to charity. Aleksey Navalny, the lawyer and opposition politician, decidedto look into this more closely, and wrote to all of Russia’s largest charitable foundations and other NGOs to ask whether they had been the beneficiaries of this largesse. Not one of them had had a penny. Transneft itself did not reply to Navalny’s query.
Businessmen have also given grants to the voluntary sector, but their chosen recipients are usually engaged in ‘vanilla’ – socially orientated and conformist – activities.... The fate of Mikhail Khodorkovsky’s Open Russia foundation is still fresh in the minds of both big business and the main players in Russia’s voluntary sector.At a local level, if businesses give money to NGOs, they prefer to do it in secret, in cash and on trust. No responsible manager of an organisation can rely on such support for its core funding.
NGOs’ commercial activity is on the same minimal level. I don’t know of any organisation that could exist and develop civil projects on its commercial revenue. At best, it can earn a small income by renting out its own premises, as has happened in Kazan, where the Civil Rights centre received a grant from the MacArthur Foundation in 2008 and used it to buy a small house in the city. Or take our AGORA Association, which in 2007 set up a small online news agency (http://openinform.ru/ ) which, with advertising, brings in less than $10,000 a year. This at best covers the organisation’s core costs. To make the project actually profitable would require a lot of investment; we would have to change the site format and lose our own information platform, and concentrate our resources on commercial activity.
Funding by the crowd – can private donations keep NGOs going?
Many people in the voluntary sector see crowdfunding as the revenue source of the moment. They talk about Aleksey Navalny’s projects; established volunteer initiatives such as Liza-Alert, which tracks down missing persons; Rosuznik, which supports people arrested during protest actions and ‘Olga Romanova’s Wallet’ which collects money to stage protest actions, as well as many charities helping disabled children. The readiness of Russians to put their hands in their pockets to support a good cause has risen sharply in the last two years. It grew in parallel to the growth of civil consciousness and the mood of protest, as well as the awakening and coming together of the so-called ‘creative class’, which was already at the end of its tether with the regime.This public support for voluntary initiative is undoubtedly a really important development and a sign of a healthy, maturing society. It needs to encouraged and developed in every way to create a tradition of transparent accountability, self-regulation and self control, with the outlawing of crooks and an increase in efficiency. The only problem is that there is not a single NGO team that can survive exclusively on donations from the public. Sergey Vlasov of Rosuznik has a paid job as well. Aleksey Navalny pays his project staff out of donations, but both he and Vladimir Ashurkov, who heads the Foundation for Fighting Corruption, have other sources of income that allow them to carry out their political activism pro bono.
Public support for voluntary initiative is undoubtedly a really important development and a sign of a healthy, maturing society. The only problem is that there is not a single NGO that can survive exclusively on donations from the public.For Russia-wide organisations such as Navalny’s anti-corruption site RosPil, the AGORA Association and Rosuznik to fund a solid professional team with basic facilities and the means to travel around the country, they would need an annual budget of between $200,000 and $500,000. At present, the only person who might just attract that level of donation is Navalny, and even then, how many people are going to make a large donation to someone who is under investigation on several criminal charges and whom the regime sees as the main threat to its stability?
AGORA had its first large donation in the summer of 2011, when the ‘Voina’radical street art collective (which formerly included members of Pussy Riot) gave us the €10,000 ‘Innovation Prize’ money they received from Moscow’s National Centre for Contemporary Arts for its project ‘A Dick captured by the FSB’, (a painting of a giant penis ‘erected’ on St Petersburg’s Liteyny Bridge and revealed as the bridge opened to allow river traffic along the Neva). The money is still lying, almost untouched, in our bank account, being saved for a rainy day. Unlike restricted funds, which need to be spent within a specific time on a specific project, this money is unrestricted and can be spent whenever, and on whatever, we need. There are also a number of people who put money into our account on a regular or irregular basis, and over the last couple of years we have received altogether about $20,000 in private donations.
Just a few days ago the Federal Financial Monitoring Service blocked an initiative by the Ministry for Economic Development to allow Russians to pay subscriptions to socially orientated NGOs through ATMs, on the grounds that NGOs might use the money to finance terrorism.Until now AGORA hasn’t pushed the idea of raising money through donations, and I now regret this a little, since I am sure we could have raised a decent amount. For the moment we are holding this approach in reserve. We are continuing to build ourselves a reputation, which we will convert pretty soon into systematic crowd funding. But even this, on its own, will barely allow us to make ends meet, even before we think about all the risks and complications associated with this income source. ‘Digital wallets’ may still not be registered as legal entities, and individuals also can’t accept donations – this is the exclusive privilege of NGOs. Cash collections run up against very strict regulations on the handling of money, and text donations involve extortionate charges from mobile providers. And in Russia only global operators like the WWF can set up a convenient system of donation through banks that avoids people having to turn up with ID cards, fill in a form by hand and stand in a queue to donate. And that’s without the risks of harassment by pro-Kremlin activists, not to mention police officers who will be only too happy to accuse you of some kind of financial fraud.
Just a few days ago the Federal Financial Monitoring Service blocked an initiative by the Ministry for Economic Development to allow Russians to make donations to charitable organisations or pay subscriptions to socially orientated NGOs through ATMs, on the grounds that NGOs might use the money to finance terrorism (sic!).
In other words, the present system of application/selection/grant/report, as long as it concerns a respectable, known institution with a solid reputation, remains the optimal arrangement for established Russian NGOs, both in legal and organisational terms. Its only (well-publicised) disadvantage is that if the institution in question is a foreign or international one, the NGO’s image may be tarnished among that section of the public that is influenced by stereotypes. But that’s no big deal, if it allows us to get on with our work.
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