Saturday, July 21, 2012

Russia's Putin Signs NGO 'Foreign Agents' Law | Punk Band Feels Wrath of Sterner Kremlin - NYT

From left, the punk band members Yekaterina Samutsevich, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Maria Alyokhina at a hearing in Moscow on Friday.

Natalia Kolesnikova/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Punk Band Feels Wrath of Sterner Kremlin

By ELLEN BARRY and ANDREW ROTH

MOSCOW — The prosecution of three women, above, who performed a crude anti-Putin song in a cathedral signals the end of chilly tolerance of the protest movement.

July 21, 2012

Russia's Putin Signs NGO 'Foreign Agents' Law

By REUTERS

MOSCOW (Reuters) - Russian President Vladimir Putin has approved a law which will tighten controls on civil rights groups funded from abroad, the his press office said on Saturday, a step opponents say is part of a campaign to suppress dissent.

The law, which was cleared by the upper house of parliament earlier in July, will force non-governmental organizations (NGOs) engaging in "political activity" to register with the Justice Ministry as "foreign agents" and to file a report to officials every quarter.

Opposition groups say Putin is trying to silence groups whose criticism of his human rights record has undercut his credibility and helped fuel seven months of protests against his rule, the biggest since he came to power in 2000.

Putin, a former KGB spy, has dominated Russia for 12 years as prime minister or president and he won another six-year stint in March.

Earlier this month, the U.S. State Department voiced "deep concern" about the NGO law - and was promptly rebuked by Moscow for "gross interference", an exchange that underlined the impact the bill has had on already strained relations.

Putin said on Thursday that laws to open up competition in Russia's political system must be implemented with care, suggesting he remains wary about reforms introduced after the wave of protests.

In April then-president Dmitry Medvedev signed off on a law that eased regulations on the registration of political parties, cutting the required number of members in a party to 500 from the previous 40,000.

The law was aimed at appeasing demonstrators who had taken to the streets after accusations of voting fraud in a parliamentary election in December which gave the Putin-supported United Russia party a slim parliamentary majority.

"It is necessary that the laws which were passed on a legislative level make their way into society correctly, peacefully and in accordance with the letter and spirit of the law," said Putin.

"But in no case (may they) allow any destructive forces to shake up the situation or moreover allow them (to do so) in a destructive-terroristic way."

(Writing by Andrey Ostroukh; Editing by Mark Heinrich)

Sunday, July 15, 2012

Inside Story - Is Russia's democracy under threat?

Sunday, June 3, 2012

Russia's Putin heads West with eyes on the money

Tuesday, May 22, 2012

Too much pomp and very questionable circumstance: Full Video: Vladimir Putin's presidential inauguration ceremony in Kremlin - YouTube

Too much pomp and very questionable circumstance

Full Video: Vladimir Putin's presidential inauguration ceremony in Kremlin - YouTube

Published on May 7, 2012 by RussiaToday

Russia's President-elect Vladimir Putin has been sworn in as the new head of state. Putin is an inauguration champion -- he has played the main role in the performance three times out of six to have taken place in modern history. The inauguration ceremony took place in the Grand Kremlin Palace.

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Wednesday, May 9, 2012

Lenin’s Death Remains a Mystery for Doctors - NYTimes.com

May 7, 2012

Lenin’s Stroke: Doctor Has a Theory (and a Suspect)

By GINA KOLATA

BALTIMORE — The patient founded a totalitarian state known for its “merciless terror,” Dr. Victoria Giffi told a rapt audience of doctors and medical students on Friday afternoon. He died suddenly at 6:50 p.m. on Jan. 21, 1924, a few months before his 54th birthday. The cause of death: a massive stroke.

The man’s cerebral arteries, Dr. Giffi added, were “so calcified that when tapped with tweezers they sounded like stone.”

The occasion was a so-called clinicopathological conference, a mainstay of medical schools in which a mysterious medical case is presented to an audience of doctors and medical students. In the end, a pathologist solves the mystery with a diagnosis.

But this was a conference with a twist. The patient was long dead — he was, in fact, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. The questions posed to the conference speakers: Why did he have a fatal stroke at such a young age? Was there something more to his death than history has acknowledged?

At the University of Maryland, a clinicopathological conference focused on historical figures has been an annual event for the past 19 years; attending doctors have reviewed the case records of Florence Nightingale, Alexander the Great, Mozart, Beethoven and Edgar Allan Poe. The pathologists’ conclusion that Poe died of rabies even became a final question on the “Jeopardy!” game show.

Dr. Philip A. Mackowiak, vice chairman of the university’s school of medicine and organizer of these conferences, said he later did a much more comprehensive review of Poe’s medical records and concluded that Poe’s doctor had embellished Poe’s medical history.

“Poe was a hopeless alcoholic,” Dr. Mackowiak said in a telephone interview. “He almost certainly died of delirium tremens.”

On Friday, two experts were called upon to solve the mystery of Lenin’s death: Dr. Harry Vinters, professor of neurology and neuropathology at the University of California, Los Angeles, and Lev Lurie, a Russian historian in St. Petersburg.

Dr. Vinters began by telling the audience some details of Lenin’s medical and family history.

As a baby, Lenin had a head so large that he often fell over. He used to bang his head on the floor, making his mother worry that he might be mentally disabled.

As an adult, Lenin suffered diseases that were common at the time: typhoid, toothaches, influenza and a painful skin infection called erysipelas. He was under intense stress, of course, which led to insomnia, migraines and abdominal pain.

At 48, he was shot twice in an assassination attempt. One bullet lodged in his collarbone after puncturing his lung. Another got caught in the base of his neck. Both bullets remained in place for the rest of his life.

Lenin’s father died early, too, at 54. The cause of death was said to be cerebral hemorrhage, but Lenin’s father had an illness at the time of his death that may have been typhoid fever.

Most of Lenin’s seven brothers and sisters died young, two in infancy. A brother was executed at age 21 for plotting to assassinate Emperor Alexander III, and another brother died of typhoid at 19. Of the three who survived past young adulthood, a sister died of a stroke at age 71, another sister died of a heart attack at 59, and a brother died at age 69 of “stenocardia,” an archaic medical term whose meaning is no longer clear.

In the two years before he died, Lenin had three debilitating strokes. Prominent European doctors were consulted and proposed a variety of diagnoses: nervous exhaustion, chronic lead intoxication from the two bullets lodged in his body, cerebral arteriosclerosis and “endarteritis luetica.”

Dr. Vinters speculates that the last term referred to meningovascular syphilis, inflammation of the walls of blood vessels mainly around the brain, resulting in a thickening of the interior of the vessel. But there was no evidence of this on autopsy, and Lenin’s syphilis test was said to have been negative. He had been treated anyway with injections of a solution containing arsenic, the prevailing syphilis remedy.

Then, in his last hours and days of his life, Lenin experienced severe seizures.

An autopsy revealed a near total obstruction of the arteries leading to the brain, some of which were narrowed to tiny slits. But Lenin did not have some of the traditional risk factors for strokes.

He did not have untreated high blood pressure — had that been his problem, the left side of his heart would have been enlarged. He did not smoke and would not tolerate smoking in his presence. He drank only occasionally and exercised regularly. He did not have symptoms of a brain infection, nor did he have a brain tumor.

So what brought on the stroke that killed Lenin?

The clues lie in Lenin’s family history, Dr. Vinters said. The three siblings who survived beyond their 20s had evidence of cardiovascular disease, and Lenin’s father died of a disease that was described as being very much like Lenin’s. Dr. Vinters said Lenin might have inherited a tendency to develop extremely high cholesterol, causing the severe blockage of his blood vessels that led to his stroke.

Compounding that was the stress Lenin experienced, which can precipitate a stroke in someone whose blood vessels are already blocked.

But Lenin’s seizures in the hours and days before he died are a puzzle and perhaps historically significant. Severe seizures, Dr. Vinters said in an interview before the conference, are “quite unusual in a stroke patient.”

But, he added, “almost any poison can cause seizures.”

Dr. Lurie concurred on Friday, telling the conference that poison was in his opinion the most likely immediate cause of Lenin’s death. The most likely perpetrator? Stalin, who saw Lenin as his main obstacle to taking over the Soviet Union and wanted to get rid of him.

Communist Russia in the early 1920s, Dr. Lurie told the conference, was a place of “Mafia-like intrigue.”

In 1921 Lenin started complaining that he was ill. From then until his death in 1924, Lenin “began to feel worse and worse,” Dr. Lurie said.

“He complained that he couldn’t sleep and that he had terrible headaches. He could not write, he did not want to work,” Dr. Lurie said. He wrote to Alexei Maximovich Gorky, “I am so tired, I do not want to do anything at all.”

But he nonetheless was planning a political attack on Stalin, Dr. Lurie said. And Stalin, well aware of Lenin’s intentions, sent a top-secret note to the Politburo in 1923 claiming that Lenin himself asked to be put out of his misery.

The note said: “On Saturday, March 17th in the strictest secrecy Comrade Krupskaya told me of ‘Vladimir Ilyich’s request to Stalin,’ namely that I, Stalin, should take the responsibility for finding and administering to Lenin a dose of potassium cyanide. I felt it impossible to refuse him, and declared: ‘I would like Vladimir Ilyich to be reassured and to believe that when it is necessary I will fulfill his demand without hesitation.’”

Stalin added that he just could not do it: “I do not have the strength to carry out Ilyich’s request and I have to decline this mission, however humane and necessary it might be, and I therefore report this to the members of the Politburo.”

Dr. Lurie said Stalin might have poisoned Lenin despite this assurance, as Stalin was “absolutely ruthless.”

Dr. Vinters believes that sky-high cholesterol leading to a stroke was the main cause of Lenin’s death. But he said there is one other puzzling aspect of the story. Although toxicology studies were done on others in Russia, there was an order that no toxicology be done on Lenin’s tissues.

So the mystery remains.

But if Lenin had lived today, or if today’s cholesterol-lowering drugs had been available 100 years ago, might he have been spared those strokes?

“Yes,” Dr. Vinters said. “Lenin could have gone on for another 20 or 25 years, assuming he wasn’t assassinated. History would have been totally different.”

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:
Correction: May 8, 2012

An earlier version of this article misstated, using information provided by the University of Maryland, Vladimir Lenin’s age when he was shot twice in an assassination attempt. He was 48, not 38.

Tuesday, May 8, 2012

Putin's History Lesson - WSJ.com

RUSSIA NEWS

May 4, 2012, 7:48 a.m. ET

Putin's History Lesson

'Dictators ride to and fro upon tigers from which they dare not dismount.' --Winston Churchill

By RICHARD BOUDREAUX

MOSCOW—At the start of his second term as Russia's president, Vladimir Putin gathered some leading free-market policy wonks for brainstorming at his dacha. One of them, José Piñera, had been a cabinet minister in Chile during the 16-year dictatorship of Gen. Augusto Pinochet.
Mr. Piñera's advice went beyond economics and included a warning against holding "too much power for too long." Quoting the Russian poet Alexander Pushkin, he bluntly urged Mr. Putin, in a Moscow newspaper essay after the meeting, to retire after two terms: "Oh, kings, you owe your crown and writ/To Law, not nature's dispensation."
Mr. Putin has dominated Russia ever since, as president or as prime minister. Having weathered a winter of large anti-Kremlin protests, the 59-year-old leader won a tightly controlled election in March and will start a third presidential term on Monday. He hasn't ruled out re-election in 2018 to stretch his tenure to 24 years, longer than any other Kremlin leader since Josef Stalin, but says he would step down if he lost public support.

Masters of Longevity

The careers of Fidel Castro, below , and other embattled autocrats hold lessons for Vladimir Putin as he starts a new presidential term in Russia.

View Slideshow

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Associated Press

But rulers in Mr. Putin's shoes are loath to give up power, not least because of fear their successors will turn on them. Monarchs aside, recent history offers relatively few examples of embattled autocrats who manage to die peacefully in office or step down gracefully. Consider the misfortunes of Egypt's Hosni Mubarak (now on trial) and Libya's Moammar Gadhafi (dead) in last year's Arab Spring, and the way other strongmen, from Angola to Syria, took note and dug in.
Since the last decade of the Cold War, I've chronicled the decline of autocrats in Latin America, Eastern Europe and Northern Africa, and know the early-warning signs. Russia's winter of civic awakening felt much like the first widespread pot-banging protests against Gen. Pinochet in 1983—a noisy, unmistakable signal that Chileans had lost their fear and were turning against him, although he would hang on for another seven years.
Foes of Mr. Putin say he, too, embodies a regime built on corruption and intimidation. Some supporters doubt that its pillars—manipulated elections, subservient courts, loyal security forces—could withstand a rising clamor for democracy.
So what's his likely exit strategy? Whenever he contemplates one, he'll find limited options. Nowhere in the accumulated wisdom about building democracy is there a sure-fire retirement plan for autocrats, a guaranteed safe landing if they agree to step down.
Here, though, is a short list of options and autocratic role models who could offer Mr. Putin some guidance:

Option 1. Lead your people to democracy. Flight Lt. Jerry John Rawlings abruptly changed course in Ghana after his military dictatorship failed at socialist governance and ran out of money. He revived the economy by liberalizing, then allowed open political competition and was freely elected president twice. By embracing democracy before there was much demand for it from citizens, he gained popularity and lowered the risk of payback for prior violent excesses. He slid securely into retirement in 2001, abiding by term limits after 20 years at the helm.

Option 2. Fireproof your exit route. Weakened by a U.S.-armed insurgency against his decade-old Sandinista regime, Daniel Ortega agreed to hold Nicaragua's first free election, in 1990, and lost. Before stepping down, he cut a deal obliging all parties to refrain from post-war retribution. The deal also kept his brother in command of the armed forces. For good measure, the outgoing ruler authorized the hurried distribution of state property worth hundreds of millions of dollars, enriching his Sandinista cohorts. (This so-called piñata included several sprawling homes on the block where I lived at the time.) Thus fortified as an opposition party, the Sandinistas remained powerful and loyal to Mr. Ortega, helping him return to the presidency in elections in 2006 and 2011.

Option 3. Hang tough. Despite economic ruin and stiff political opposition, President Robert Mugabe seems bent on ruling Zimbabwe for life. He's been at it for 32 years, mixing limited openness with populism and, when necessary, brutal police crackdowns. His exit strategy, it appears, is not to exit. Deflecting international pressure, he accepted a power-sharing arrangement with his chief rival in 2008 but continued to harass and jail the rival's supporters. In February Mr. Mugabe celebrated his 88th birthday by stumping for re-election. One secret for staying the course: Diamond profits help cement the loyalty of his security forces and a narrow circle of cronies.

Option 4. Build a dynasty, or a one-party state. Monarchies are one way to perpetuate iron-fisted rule; uncrowned autocrats find other means. Fidel Castro turned over dictatorial power in Cuba to his brother. Haydar Aliyev of Azerbaijan handed it off to his son. China's Communists have mastered the art of one-party rule and leadership turnover that worked smoothly for decades in Mexico and the Soviet Union. Leaders from such parties accept curbs on their personal power—China's presidents have term limits—but are less likely than personalist dictators to be overthrown, disgraced or betrayed by a successor.

Mr. Putin's day of reckoning, his choice of an end game, may be years away, considering his many strengths. He has reasserted state control over much of Russia's oil wealth and has a loyal power base in the security services. The Kremlin controls television and portrays him as a Slavic stud, in contrast to the ailing Mr. Mubarak or the disgraced Slobodan Milošević, who lost his grip on Serbia after defeat in the Kosovo war.
Russia's opposition is far weaker and less unified than the peaceful movements that took down Mr. Milošević in 2000 and entrenched regimes in Georgia and Ukraine a few years later, overturning rigged elections. There's no Russian counterpart yet to Velimir Ilić , a gutsy small-city mayor I met in Serbia, a man whose connections and plotting with dissident officers sparked mass police defections and undermined the regime.
The upheavals so close to home spooked Mr. Putin into mobilizing pro-Kremlin youth gangs to counter the Russian opposition and restricting its Western funding .
"Nobody has studied the dynamics of these revolutions in order to pre-empt them more intensively and obsessively than Putin," said Larry Diamond, a senior fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution and a leading scholar of democratic transitions. "He strikes me as a skilled and adaptable autocrat."
Would he adapt to renewed popular pressure by leading Russia to democracy (option 1) or hanging tough (option 3)? A former senior Kremlin official said Mr. Putin favors "an evolutionary approach" and would liberalize politics to the extent that people demand it.
But Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, a New York University professor who co-authored "The Dictator's Handbook," said Mr. Putin would have little incentive to ease up as long as Russia's oil revenue remained high enough to keep rewarding a narrow circle.
"He doesn't need massive support," said Mr. Bueno de Mesquita, who is known academically for his international research on political survival. "But he'd be in trouble if he stopped paying the army and security forces."
In other words, the professor concluded, he'd more likely take his cue from Zimbabwe's durable Mr. Mugabe. "That would be the lesson: You can cling to power an extraordinarily long time."
That sounds improbable to Gleb Pavlovsky, an image-making consultant retained by the Kremlin for years. Sooner or later, he predicted, Mr. Putin will opt for a typically Russian exit—pick two loyalists willing to shield him from prosecution and engineer an election one of them is likely to win. Mr. Putin himself rose to power that way, as President Boris Yeltsin's anointed one, and pardoned his ailing patron's wrongdoings.
But pitfalls abound. Mr. Putin has chosen not to build a Chinese-style ruling party capable of assuring such a transition. And as Gen. Pinochet found out, even the best laid retirement plan can go awry.
The Chilean strongman gave up the presidency in 1990 after voters rejected him in a yes-or-no plebiscite, but he held on to his post of army commander for another eight years and after that became an unelected senator for life. With that power base, he wielded influence over elected governments and sought to remain above the law.
He didn't count on the tenacity of jurists abroad. In 1998 he was arrested in Britain on a Spanish judge's warrant for genocide, torture and kidnapping. Sent home to Chile instead, he spent his final years fighting hundreds of lawsuits related to human rights abuse and personal enrichment.
Gen. Pinochet, who died in 2006, all but predicted his comeuppance in a magazine interview shortly before his arrest.
"I read a lot, especially history," he said. "And history teaches you that dictators never end up well."

Write to Richard Boudreaux at richard.boudreaux@wsj.com

EUROPE NEWS

Updated May 7, 2012, 4:24 p.m. ET

Riot Police Stifle Protests as Putin Is Sworn In Again

By ALAN CULLISON and RICHARD BOUDREAUX

European Pressphoto Agency

Russian President-elect Vladimir Putin takes the oath of office during his inauguration in the Grand Kremlin Palace in Moscow on Monday.

MOSCOW—Vladimir Putin was sworn into office for a third term as Russia's president on Monday, amid a sweeping police crackdown that left the streets of downtown Moscow eerily quiet.
Within the Kremlin, departing President Dmitry Medvedev hailed a "reborn" Russia and promised a new stage of development. Mr. Putin told thousands of handpicked guests in the gilded throne room of the czars that he considered it "the meaning of my whole life" to serve Russia, a choice of words likely to stir speculation that he will seek another six-year presidential term in 2018.

Riot police in Moscow put on a show of force and rounded up opposition demonstrators on Monday, the day of Vladimir Putin's inauguration. Raw footage by WSJ's Greg White. (Photo: AP)

Amid Protests, Putin Sworn In

View Slideshow

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Reuters

Vladimir Putin entered the Kremlin ceremony at which he was sworn for another six-year term as Russia's president Monday.

Riot police detained and pummeled potential demonstrators who were anywhere near the route of the motorcade. About 10 minutes before the inaugural ceremony began, police swarmed a cafe about 100 yards off the path, overturning tables and seizing opposition leader Boris Nemtsov, who had just sat down at an outdoor table and was speaking with reporters.
"We came out today to show there are many people who are not afraid of this man who has usurped power," said Mr. Nemtsov, a former deputy prime minister under Boris Yeltsin, just before his arrest. "But he is afraid of his own people. Look how he has fenced off the city."
Mr. Nemtsov said later that the police clubbed him hard several times on the back and ripped his T-shirt as they dragged him from the cafe. Of the dozens of times he has been detained by police over the years, he said, this was the first time he had been beaten. "They wanted all the opposition leaders in jail for Putin's first day in the Kremlin," Mr. Nemtsov said by phone from the police station where he was being held. He was later released without charges.
Police continued to patrol through downtown Moscow in the hours after the inaugural ceremony, detaining those whom they suspected might spark a demonstration.
After allegations of ballot-stuffing and vote fraud in parliamentary elections in December sparked the largest opposition protests since the fall of the Soviet Union, Mr. Putin promised to loosen some control over society. But he has since backed away from those promises, and the guest list at the Kremlin ceremony was carefully vetted. While foreign heads of state weren't expected at the inauguration, some political players such as Italian former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, a friend of Mr. Putin, did attend.

Masters of Longevity

The careers of Fidel Castro, below , and other embattled autocrats hold lessons for Vladimir Putin as he starts a new presidential term in Russia. (Putin's History Lesson)

View Slideshow

Associated Press

Mr. Medvedev, a longtime protégé of Mr. Putin, is expected to take on Mr. Putin's old job as prime minister but recede largely into the shadows. Western-leaning liberals in Russia had initially hoped that Mr. Medvedev, who totes an iPad and is an avid Tweeter and blogger, would deliver on frequent promises of political and economic modernization.
But his popularity plummeted after his announcement last year that he was stepping down from the presidency to make way for Mr. Putin's return. Many erstwhile supporters now decry him as a toady to Mr. Putin and incapable of independent action.
Mr. Medvedev issued a farewell tweet on Monday, in which he thanked "everyone for their support over the past four years as President of Russia."
"Our dialogue will continue," he wrote. "There is much work ahead!"
Write to Alan Cullison at alan.cullison@wsj.com and Richard Boudreaux at richard.boudreaux@wsj.com

Monday, April 16, 2012

ВЕДОМОСТИ - От редакции: О чем умолчал Путин

Unorthodox behaviour rattles Russian church - FT.com

Unorthodox behaviour rattles Russian church - FT.com

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April 13, 2012 7:30 pm

Unorthodox behaviour rattles Russian church

By Courtney Weaver in Moscow

©AP

Yuri Shevchenko, a retired doctor and health minister, never imagined he would be fighting a $1m Russian lawsuit that would see his bank accounts frozen, his grown son forced to move back home and travel restrictions imposed on him so he could not travel abroad for cancer treatment.
He also never imagined that the claimant in the suit would be a woman with such deep connections to the Russian patriarch.

On this story

IN Europe

Lidiya Leonova, a laywoman, claims that dust from renovation work in Mr Shevchenko’s Moscow flat wreaked Rbs26m ($900,000) worth of damage to her own flat upstairs. While Ms Leonova is registered in the flat and initiated the suit, the flat belongs to Kirill I, the patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church.
The scandal is one of several to envelop the Russian Orthodox Church, as the institution faces increasingly serious allegations of corruption and criticism for its role in Russian politics.
Last week bloggers discovered that a photograph of the patriarch on the church’s website had been altered to remove a $30,000 Breguet watch from the churchman’s wrist. While someone had used Photoshop to erase the offending object, they had forgotten to erase the watch’s reflection on a nearby mahogany table.
The church has been criticised for its harsh response to Pussy Riot, the feminist punk rock group whose young members are facing seven-year jail sentences for staging an impromptu performance inside a Moscow church, and its public support for Vladimir Putin despite mass protests.
On a more troubling scale, there is the history of Mr Shevchenko’s flat, as well as a land dispute in southern Moscow that has disadvantaged hundreds of children with severe cerebral palsy who are being treated at a local centre.
The church argues that all the allegations are part of a smear campaign ahead of the Russian Orthodox Easter, which is celebrated this Sunday.
Vsevolod Chaplin, the church’s spokesman, is flippant about the watch incident – he scoffs that people will take issue with the patriarch’s boots or glasses next. But he gets serious when it comes to the other allegations.
“The church, to a greater extent, is trying to speak with its full voice on issues connected with economics, politics, culture and social life, and a lot of people don’t like this.”
Father Andrei Kuraev, a priest who has spoken out in defence of Pussy Riot, argues that many members of the church are enjoying the soap opera nature of the allegations. “A lot of people look at the patriarch as being the same as they are and they get some kind of pleasure out of watching the mighty fall,” he says.
While media reports have suggested that Ms Leonova might have enjoyed an inappropriate relationship with the patriarch, the church vehemently denies this. Mr Chaplin says she is the church leader’s cousin and stays there while the patriarch lives in his official residence. “There is nothing unusual in that either from the point of view of church law or secular law.”

Troubling times

Head of the church since January 2009, Kirill I has cut a dividing figure in his efforts to expand the church’s role in Russian society.
Born in Leningrad, he started out as a young member of the Communist party, before joining the church, as his father and grandfather had done, and eventually rising to become the archbishop of Smolensk and Kaliningrad.
While the recent scandals are the most serious he has faced in his career, they are not the first.
In the 1990s, he was accused of profiteering from church tax breaks on imported alcohol and tobacco, in a scheme that was eventually killed in 1997. Separately he has also been accused of being an ex-KGB member. The patriarch has denied both allegations.
The church leader has been a strong supporter of the Kremlin: earlier this year he referred to the Putin era as a “miracle of God”.

Ms Leonova’s claims include Rbs7.3m to renovate her flat, Rbs2.1m to rent a similar one in Moscow during the renovation period and Rbs6.3m to replace the flat’s books alone.
Valuing Mr Shevchenko’s flat at Rbs15m, versus the market price of Rbs50m-Rbs60m, Ms Leonova’s lawyers were able to freeze the Shevchenko family’s bank accounts and prevent the former minister from travelling abroad. Mr Shevchenko’s 39-year-old son, a lawyer, was forced to sell his St Petersburg flat to cover the costs and move in with his parents in Moscow.
The younger Mr Shevchenko, also named Yuri, says that when the family first learnt who the owner of the upstairs flat was, their thought was: “Thank God it’s the patriarch.” But their relief has turned to horror. While the son is reluctant to say anything negative about the church ahead of Easter, he is adamant that his family has been the victim.
“What disturbs me is not the issue with the watch or who owns the apartment. What disturbs me is that this process has driven my parents mad. My father is sick, my mother has been working on these legal processes for about three years. And the fact that this coincides with such aggressive lobbying . . . This sort of ploy has elements of sadism.”
On Friday the family were allowed access to their flat again after they paid Ms Leonova a reduced sum of Rbs20m so that their bank cards could be unfrozen.
For a long time, Mr Shevchenko says neither he nor his father could believe that the patriarch knew about the case. Then last week they learnt the truth. In an interview with a Kremlin-friendly journalist, the patriarch admitted he was acquainted with the proceedings. The Rbs20m would go to charity, the church leader said.
On top of the flat scandal, the church has separately come under fire for its treatment of sick children at a cerebral palsy centre outside Moscow.
As part of a land dispute, a Russian Orthodox monastery has restricted access to the path that connects two of the hospital’s wings, forcing the children, many of whom are in wheelchairs, to take a 1.5km-long route instead. The monastery has also laid claims to the land beneath one of the buildings, raising concerns that the hospital will be forced to pay rent to the monastery that would otherwise go towards treatment.
Asked about the situation, Marina Tikhomirova is moved to tears. She and her daughter, Tanya, who has been living at the centre since 1998, have long looked to the church, and the monastery specifically, for solace. “For believers, for charitable people, it was ungodly, it was very offensive. The children are sick and it’s hard to talk about it without tears,” she says. “We don’t see any charity from the church in this situation.”
While Yevgeny Lilin, the centre’s deeply religious director, says he believes that the patriarch could not know anything of their situation, Elena Kamchatnya, another mother, disagrees, noting that the chain of responsibility goes straight to the top. “[The patriarch] he sees and observes all of this with his own eyes,” she says angrily.
Mr Chaplin maintains that the land in question is the monastery’s “by law and by fairness”. “No one is preparing to kick the children out,” he adds.

Tuesday, April 3, 2012

The Never-Ending Cold War via NYT > Editorials by on 3/27/12

Obama Calls G.O.P. Budget Plan ‘Social Darwinism’

By MARK LANDLER 12:35 PM ET

President Obama opened a full-frontal assault Tuesday on the budget adopted by House Republicans, saying it would greatly deepen inequality in the country.

Sunday, April 1, 2012

Илья Латыпов - "Пропаганда гомосексуальности"

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Рыклин Александр

Эх, нашлись бы люди, которые взялись бы так реально украсить Москву, нашлись бы и те, кто не отказался бы профинансировать затею...Я так думаю... Eh, there would be people who would have actually decorate Moscow, found and those who refused to fund the invention ...I think so ... (Translated by Bing)

mike_nova: Well written.

"Пропаганда гомосексуальности"

1 Апр, 2012 at 11:12 PM

Мне скинули ссылку на интервью одного из авторов проекта федерального закона о запрете на пропаганду гомосексуализма. Мда... Честно говоря, тенденция, которая набирает силу в настоящее время, меня начала настораживать и даже пугать. Возьмем хотя бы тот факт, что слово "толерантность" в обществе становится чуть ли не ругательным. Масса людей вдруг озаботилась морально-нравственным обликом окружающих, считая, разумеется, собственные морально-нравственные устои безупречными. Что вообще такое пропаганда? Я считаю вполне точным определение из БСЭ: "пропаганда (лат. propaganda — подлежащее распространению, от propago — распространяю), распространение политических, философских, научных, художественных и др. взглядов и идей с целью их внедрения в общественное сознание и активизации массовой практической деятельности". Как выглядит "пропаганда гомосексуальности?" Если следовать приведенному определению, то любое действие, направленное на информирование людей о том, что гомосексуальная ориентация не считается в настоящее время сексуальной патологией, можно назвать «пропагандой гомосексуализма». Наказывать можно всех. Врачей, психологов, самих гомосексуалов, которые говорят о своей ориентации. Собственно говоря, позиция «антипропагандистов» (а таковых в стране много) очень отчетливо представлена в следующем пассаже из упомянутого интервью: «У нас сегодня масса обращений от людей, которые даже не хотят ничего слышать об этом явлении. Поэтому мы, законодатели, должны эту пропаганду ограничить. Пусть она существует в подполье, но хотя бы не на глазах у людей». Переведу: «мы не хотим ничего слышать и знать о гомосексуальности, вы нас пугаете, сгиньте с наших глаз!» И здесь меня очень интересует момент: как явление, которое охватывает в лучшем случае 5% населения, с которым большинство людей вряд ли лично сталкивались, может вызывать такой отчетливый, прямо выраженный страх? Не простое неприятие: "спасибо, мне это не нравится", а сильное отторжение? Отторжение и страх могут проявляться через ненависть, игнорирование, высмеивание. И, хочу заметить, такое отторжение вызывает только мужская гомосексуальность, тогда как отношение к женской очень даже либерально. Я прихожу к мысли, что активное, сильное неприятие существования гомосексуальности – феномен преимущественно мужской, и тесно связанный с проблемой мужественности. Истерия вокруг гомосексуальности – редкого по сути явления – имеет четко выраженные психологические причины. Итак, что может послужить причиной резкого неприятия в обществе феномена гомосексуальности? Попробую разложить по полочкам. Существование виртуальной реальности СМИ. Увы, но до сих пор многие люди строят свой образ мира через средства массовой информации. А в них гомосексуальная тема присутствует в полной мере, и муссируется довольно интенсивно. От шоу-бизнеса до «ужасов» гей-парадов (о них – ниже). Почему? Потому что есть интерес у статистического большинства зрителей. То есть у гетеросексуалов. И формируется ощущение, что гомосексуалов много, и что они активно пропагандируют свои взгляды. Неважно, что, выходя на улицу, обыватель как-то не сильно с ними пересекается. Мир строится через СМИ. Подмена понятий. Распространение информации о гомосексуальности подменяется в восприятии на рекламу гомосексуальных отношений как отличного способа провести время с партнером. Честно говоря, я лично НИ РАЗУ не видел и не слышал призывов к молодежи заниматься сексом с представителями своего же пола, потому что это "круто". Меня ни разу не домогался ни один мужчина :)). Возможно, я живу в каком-то неправильном мире, но в этом мире гомосексуалов очень мало и они в плане интимной жизни ведут себя так же, как и большинство гетеросексуалов. То есть свою сексуальную ориентацию не выпячивают никак, так как она - важная, но не единственная составляющая личностной идентичности, самосознания. Вторая подмена понятий – гомосексуальность те же СМИ и яростные борцы с нею стараются увязать с педофилией. И тогда страх перед гомосексуалом – это одновременно и страх за своего ребенка. Страх понятный, но гипертрофированный, преувеличенный в кривом зеркале СМИ в десятки раз. Дошедший до того, что многие мужчины признавались, что им страшно как-то проявить симпатию по отношению к детям во дворе – как бы чего не подумали. То есть может происходить перенос страха с педофила на гомосексуалов-мужчин. Религиозно-этические нормы. Здесь все понятно. Пиная гомосексуалов, легко можно почувствовать себя праведником и борцом за святое дело. Самый простой путь – это борьба с чужими грехами. Стыд. У противников гомосексуальности как нормы есть популярный вопрос: «а вы бы хотели, чтобы ваши дети стали гомосеками?». Нет, мне бы этого не хотелось. Но мои дети не сводятся к половым органам и к сексуальной ориентации. Если сексуальная ориентация моих детей станет для меня важнее, чем все остальное, то почему? Насколько теплые и близкие отношения я выстроил тогда с детьми, если их "неправильность" повергнет меня в ужас? Да и чем может быть продиктован этот ужас? Очень даже возможно – стыдом. Что подумают люди? Как можно гордиться своим ребенком, если он или она «из этих»? И в этот момент я ловлю себя на том, что неприятие возможной "неправильной" сексуальной ориентации моих детей может быть формой проявления моей любви к ним, способом выразить заботу. Потому что я знаю, с каким мощным отторжением они - особенно мой воображаемый сын - столкнутся в современной России со своей ориентацией. Я чувствую много тревоги и боли за детей в этой ситуации. Страх соприкосновения с собственной гомосексуальностью. Очень, очень сильно выражен у мужчин, и тесно связан со стыдом… Почему-то многие люди уверены, что если подростки будут знать о существовании гомосексуальных отношений и воспринимать их как норму, то непременно начнут «совращаться». Я вспоминаю себя подростком, и понимаю, что даже если велась бы пропаганда по второму варианту - "гомо - это круто!", то она бы никак не повлияла на то, что я упорно влюблялся в девчонок. Потому что я не управляю своей ориентацией. Я иду дальше, и представляю, что могу пойти на эксперимент и попробовать секс с мужчиной. Но сама мысль об этом мне неприятна и никак не возбуждает. Думаю, что мои ощущения мало чем отличаются от ощущений других гетеросексуальных мужчин. Откуда тогда берется страх того, что подростки – соблазнятся? Откуда убежденность в необыкновенной притягательности гомосексуальных отношений? Возможно, что это действительно носит проективный характер – собственное волнение, тщательно подавляемое («не хочу ничего знать!»), приписывается подросткам… У меня был клиент, который однажды признался, что он очень боится того, что к нему начнет приставать гей, да еще при других людях. И еще больше он боится того, что ему понравится это приставание. Страх чужака. Заметил, что в «гомики» часто записывают людей, которые ведут себя странно, необычно, не соответствует принятым канонам мужественности или женственности. В этой ситуации гомосексуал – одно из воплощений «образа чужака», древнего, как мир. Главное отличие «чужого» от «своего» - он делает все не так, как делаем мы. Действия гомосексуалов. Многие активисты ЛГБТ-движения (Лесбиянки-Геи-Бисексуалы-Транссексуалы) делают все возможное, чтобы неприязнь к ним усилилась. Начиная с того, что многие западные представители ЛГБТ как раз педалируют идею отличия, чуждости, что проявляется в открытом нарушении норм поведения во время «гей-парадов», в странной одежде и т.п. Зрелище гей-парадов в западных городах действительно нередко не для слабонервных. Они открыто нарушают идею об интимности частной жизни, в гипертрофированной форме выпячивают секс во всем его многообразии - публично, открыто. И речь здесь идет не только о нарушении элементарного вкуса (это на мой взгляд), но и о демонстративном игнорировании принятых культурных норм. Меньшинство, настаивая на уважении своих взглядов и прав, не считает нужным уважать взгляды большинства. Гомосексуалы-мужчины, уставшие от постоянного прессинга и высмеивания, сами становятся крайне агрессивными, и диалог с ними выстроить очень трудно - в каждом вопросе они могут видеть "подколку". Я вспоминаю слова одного психолога-гетеросексуала, оказавшегося среди гомосексуалов, какое сильное напряжение он испытывал в связи с плохо скрываемой враждебностью, ощущением своей чуждости и «ненормальности». «Только побыв в среде гомосексуалов, я понял, что чувствует гомосексуал во враждебной среде гетеросексуальных людей». Накопленный груз обид приводит к классическому сценарию – жертва становится преследователем, агрессивным и непримиримым, свято уверенным в своем праве. И я вспоминаю историю, которую услышал от жены. В одном американском городе репетитор-женщина соблазнила свою ученицу. Для девочки-подростка это был первый сексуальный опыт, и он ей понравился, в результате чего она сказала, что является лесбиянкой. Не знаю, природно это было обусловлено, или же связано со спецификой подростковой сексуальности (отмечу только, что влечение к своему полу подростки-гомосексуалы испытывают значительно раньше, чем совершают первый половой акт), но меня больше интересует другой момент. Мама этой девушки очень переживала случившееся, и попыталась обратиться со своими чувствами за поддержкой к коллегам в колледже - и была отвергнута как "нетолерантная гомофобка». Она осталась одна со своим естественным огорчением, которое в итоге переросло в злость. Я хорошо понимаю эту женщину.
В России мы не дошли до таких крайностей. И робкие попытки гей-парадов в России – это, скорее, ближе к политическим пикетам и выступлениям в защиту прав, чем «свободное воспевание сексуальности». Это стремление жить в обществе, в котором можешь сказать «я гей» - и не быть униженным презрением или насмешкой, не бояться насилия по отношению к себе, ассоциаций с педофилами, всеми смертными грехами и т.п. Но, боюсь, в обществе, где толерантность переименовали в «толерастию», до этого еще очень и очень далеко.

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( 8 комментариев — Оставить комментарий ) osa_mayor wrote: 1 Апр, 2012 08:30 (местное) У геев считается совершенно нормальным убалтывать подростков на оральный секс7
Аргумент - ему это нравиться.
А какое число геев было изнасиловано в юности.
Только они ни кому не расскажут это кроме близких друзей. Ссылка | Ответить | Ветвь дискуссии | Track This fiveseptember wrote: 1 Апр, 2012 09:00 (местное) Это не геи. Это уже педофилы получается. Ссылка | Ответить | Уровень выше | Ветвь дискуссии | Track This tumbalele wrote: 1 Апр, 2012 09:12 (местное) Ну, в таком стиле можно совершенно спокойно утверждать, что "среди гетеро считается совершенно нормальным убалтывать подростков на оральный секс. Аргумент - это им нравится". А какое число гетеро было изнасиловано в юности... И это тоже будет правдой, т.к. некоторые гетеро так и поступают... Гомосексуалы - это ж тоже не некое единство. Это только лишь ориентация, одна из составляющих личности и идентичности. Есть еще множество других составляющих, общих у "гетеро" и "гомо".
Здесь есть еще такая проблема. Никто никому не рассказывает, кроме близких друзей - тогда откуда такая информация? Относится ли она к числу легенд и мифов (вроде "геи = педофилы"), или опирается на какие-то более-менее объективные данные? Ссылка | Ответить | Уровень выше | Ветвь дискуссии | Track This osa_mayor wrote: 1 Апр, 2012 11:43 (местное) Кто же из мужчин признается, что его изнасиловали, пусть даже и в юности.
Мне довелось пообщаться с этими товарищами, даже несколько месяцв пожить с ними одним домом. Это совершенно не здоровая среда, адекватно воспринимать её может только взрослый человек с устойчивой психикой. Ссылка | Ответить | Уровень выше | Ветвь дискуссии | Track This tribunus wrote: 1 Апр, 2012 14:09 (местное) Вы по одной семье геев судите о всех геях?) Ссылка | Ответить | Уровень выше | Ветвь дискуссии | Track This fiveseptember wrote: 1 Апр, 2012 09:04 (местное) К сожалению, толерантность в России отсутствует в принципе.
Наследие "совка"? Странно. Мы же сами хотели свободы тогда, в 90-х.
Мне кажется, люди не были готовы к этой свободе, приняли ее как возможность не подчиняться законам, нормам поведения... Само понятие "свобода" было искажено.
И за 20 лет ничего не поменялось.
Edited at 2012-04-01 09:04 (local) Ссылка | Ответить | Ветвь дискуссии | Track This tumbalele wrote: 1 Апр, 2012 09:15 (местное) Отсутствие толерантности проистекает из ощущения того, что знаешь истину и знаешь, как правильно жить. Притом непоколебимо (одно из любимых слов Гитлера, кстати) знаешь, как надо, причем как надо не только себе, но и другим. Кстати, многие геи тоже толерантностью не отличаются, так что это общее наследие. Человеческие качества вообще слабо от ориентации зависят... Ссылка | Ответить | Уровень выше | Ветвь дискуссии | Track This fiveseptember wrote: 1 Апр, 2012 09:23 (местное) Согласен, но ведь это и вопрос воспитания.
Нас учили, как нужно жить 70 с лишним лет. Многим это не нравилось.
Последние 20 лет те, кому не нравились старые принципы, учат нас жить по новым, только уже своим правилам.
Понимаете, о чем я? Ссылка | Ответить | Уровень выше | Ветвь дискуссии | Track This ( 8 комментариев — Оставить комментарий )
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